This article by Okechukwu Nwanguma discusses Japheth Njoku, a 32-year-old man, who died in Police custody, after weeks of detention over an ordinarily bailable allegation of stealing. A Coroner’s Court has now discovered that the situations and size of his detention contributed to the deterioration of his well being and his eventual loss of life, whereas additionally figuring out practices of extortion, intimidation and remedy, inconsistent with the rights of detainees. Urgent questions on what occurs to residents behind the partitions of Police detention amenities, the obligation of the State as soon as it deprives a particular person of liberty, and the sensible obstacles households face in looking for reality and accountability, are raised in this text
Background
Japheth Njoku entered Police custody alive. He didn’t depart alive.
He was 32 years outdated when he died, after weeks in detention at the Anti-Kidnapping Unit of the Imo State Police Command, popularly referred to as Tiger Base, Owerri.
For his household, the tragedy didn’t finish together with his loss of life. They needed to start one other battle: to ascertain how he died, safe an post-mortem, shield potential witnesses, and overcome repeated obstacles positioned in the path of a judicial inquiry.
More than a 12 months later, the Chief Magistrate’s Court in Owerri, sitting as Coroner, has delivered findings that deserve nationwide consideration. The significance of the determination goes far past Japheth Njoku. It raises elementary questions on what occurs when residents disappear behind the partitions of Police detention amenities, and the monumental difficulties households face after they attempt to maintain the State accountable.
Coroner’s Findings
According to experiences of the Coroner’s findings, Njoku was detained for about six weeks, over an allegation of stealing – an ordinarily bailable offence.
The Coroner discovered that cash was demanded in connection together with his launch and rejected makes an attempt to justify his continued detention, by subsequently portraying him as a terrorist.
The court docket reportedly discovered situations at Tiger Base inconsistent with the rights of detainees to dignity, liberty, authorized illustration and bail, and recognized practices involving torture, intimidation and extortion.
Although the medical proof reportedly recognized meningitis, bronchial pneumonia and hypertensive coronary heart illness amongst the causes of loss of life, the Coroner made a particularly essential discovering: the situations underneath which Njoku was detained and the size of his detention, contributed to the deterioration of his well being and eventual loss of life. That distinction issues.
An individual doesn’t must die immediately from a Police bullet or a blow from an officer, earlier than the State can bear accountability for a loss of life in custody. Once the State deprives a particular person of liberty, it assumes an enhanced obligation to guard that particular person’s life, well being and bodily integrity.
Police custody mustn’t ever turn out to be a place, the place sickness is ignored till it turns into deadly.
Perhaps, one of the most troubling facets of the Njoku case, is what occurred after his loss of life.
On June 11, 2025, the Coroner ordered an post-mortem, and supplied for an impartial pathologist nominated by the household to watch the examination. The court docket additionally summoned
Police officers and different materials witnesses.
What ought to have been a easy course of turned a extended battle
The Njoku household’s Lawyer, Dr Christian C. Nwadigo, repeatedly raised issues about Police conduct surrounding the implementation of the Coroner’s orders. RULAAC and the People’s Rights Organisation, subsequently petitioned the Police Service Commission alleging repeated failures to make Njoku’s physique accessible for scheduled autopsies, together with appointments on October 28 and October 30, 2025, however repeated extensions granted by the court docket.
The issues weren’t confined to civil society allegations
Amnesty International subsequently reported that Tiger Base officers, failed on three events to seem for the court-ordered examination, even when court-appointed pathologists have been current.
This facet of the case, deserves an investigation of its personal.
Lack of Accountability and Intimidation of Potential Witnesses
When a particular person dies in State custody, preservation of the physique, medical examination, documentation and impartial investigation should not favours to the deceased’s household. They are indispensable safeguards towards impunity.
If officers implicated in a custodial loss of life can delay or hinder the very procedures designed to ascertain how that particular person died, the integrity of the whole accountability system is threatened.
There was one other disturbing improvement. During the inquest, issues emerged that individuals who had been detained alongside Njoku and who might doubtlessly present proof about what occurred inside Tiger Base, have been themselves going through contemporary Police consideration.
RULAAC raised issues about experiences of renewed investigations, detention and threats of prosecution towards potential witnesses. The household and its Lawyer, additionally complained about alleged intimidation.
These allegations shouldn’t merely disappear, now that the Coroner has concluded the inquest.
The Inspector-General of Police and Police Service Commission ought to set up whether or not any Police officer tried to frustrate the post-mortem, intimidate witnesses, intrude with proof or in any other case impede the administration of justice.
Accountability for a loss of life in custody consists of accountability for makes an attempt to hide, distort or hinder the reality about that loss of life.
Coroner’s Recommendations
The Coroner reportedly advisable the prosecution of Inspector Barnabas and ACP Oladimeji Odeyeyiwa (the Tiger Base Commander), for alleged extortion and corruption. The court docket additionally advisable compensation for Njoku’s household, fee of burial bills, improved coaching, CCTV protection of detention amenities, and the switch of officers serving at the Anti-Kidnapping Unit.
These suggestions should not be a part of the lengthy listing of official findings, that disappear into Government recordsdata.
Other Steps to be Taken
The Attorney-General of Imo State ought to promptly assessment the full file of proceedings, and decide all offences disclosed by the proof. That assessment shouldn’t essentially cease at extortion and corruption.
Nigeria has an Anti-Torture Act. If proof earlier than the inquest discloses torture or different felony conduct, the acceptable investigative and prosecutorial authorities have a obligation to observe the proof wherever it leads.
The Police Service Commission should equally decide whether or not disciplinary offences have been dedicated, together with in relation to the extended detention, calls for for cash, remedy of the detainee, and alleged makes an attempt to hinder the post-mortem and intimidate witnesses.
There is, nonetheless, a hazard in decreasing this case to 2 Police officers.
For years, victims, households, Lawyers, journalists and human rights organisations have raised allegations regarding Tiger Base: extended detention, torture, extortion, denial of entry to Lawyers and kinfolk, disappearances and deaths in custody.
These allegations require an institutional response
The Coroner’s reported suggestion that officers serving in the unit be transferred, ought to itself trigger the Police authorities to ask a a lot larger query: what is going on inside Tiger Base?
An impartial audit ought to look at custody registers, deaths in custody, complaints of disappearance, detention durations, bail practices, entry to Lawyers and kinfolk, medical remedy of detainees, allegations of torture and extortion, CCTV data and former complaints towards personnel of the unit.
This shouldn’t be one other inside investigation, in which the establishment investigates itself behind closed doorways. Credible oversight requires independence.
The significance of the Njoku findings turns into even higher, when seen towards different allegations regarding the identical facility.
In Onuocha Johnbosco v Commissioner of Police & 3 Ors (Suit No. HOW/161M/2025), one other case arising from alleged detention at Tiger Base stays earlier than the court docket, and is scheduled for listening to on October 13, 2026.
No conclusions ought to be drawn about a case that is still pending
But, its existence reinforces the want to look at allegations regarding Tiger Base institutionally, reasonably than ready for victims and their households to combat separate, exhausting battles one after one other.
When complaints repeatedly emerge from the identical detention facility, accountability can’t consist merely of investigating every incident in isolation.
Police reform is in the end about what occurs inside the cell
Nigeria has debated Police reform, for many years.
We have enacted the Police Act 2020. We have an Anti-Torture Act. We have constitutional ensures of dignity and private liberty. We have judicial selections, affirming the rights of suspects. We have Police oversight establishments.
Yet, the true measure of Police reform is just not the quantity of legal guidelines enacted or committees inaugurated. It is what occurs, when a poor or powerless Nigerian is arrested.
– Is the arrest recorded?
– Is the household knowledgeable?
– Can the detainee contact a Lawyer?
– Is bail genuinely free?
– Is the suspect introduced earlier than a court docket, inside the constitutionally prescribed interval?
– Can an officer demand cash and maintain somebody locked up, when kinfolk can’t pay?
– Can a detainee get hold of medical remedy?
– And, if that detainee dies, can the household uncover the reality with out combating the Police for months?
These are the actual assessments of Police reform.
The Coroner’s findings supply a chance, to exhibit that accountability mechanisms can nonetheless work. But, a judgement or suggestion, is simply the starting.
The officers towards whom prosecution has been advisable, should obtain due course of. Allegations have to be proved, in accordance with legislation. That is exactly the safety the rule of legislation calls for, for everybody.
The identical rule of legislation, nonetheless, calls for justice for the lifeless.
Japheth Njoku’s household deserves the reality, accountability and satisfactory reparation. The public deserves assurance that, Police detention amenities should not areas past constitutional scrutiny.
And, Police officers who carry out their duties professionally even have an curiosity in guaranteeing that torture, extortion and illegal detention should not tolerated inside their establishment.
Japheth entered police custody alive
The State had a obligation to guard him, whereas exercising full management over his liberty.
He died in that custody
His household then spent months, struggling to ascertain what occurred to him.
The Coroner has now spoken.
The actual check begins with what the authorities do subsequent.
Okechukwu Nwanguma, Executive Director of the Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Centre (RULAAC)
The SAN Title Needs Reform: Time for an Honorary Track
Introduction
Congratulations to the 68 newly sworn in Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SAN). It stays a distinct badge of honour, however in the identical vein, it’s in many respects starting to lose its that means, and in want of reform.
Every 12 months, the Legal Practitioners Privileges Committee (LPPC) releases a listing of new Senior Advocates of Nigeria. There is celebration, after which, silence.
For a rank that’s alleged to symbolize the pinnacle of authorized excellence in Nigeria, that silence is revealing. Outside the courts, few Nigerians can let you know why a explicit Lawyer was made a SAN. Few younger Lawyers can level to the circumstances or contributions, that earned that Silk.
We have inherited a nice custom from the English Bar — the King’s Counsel. But, whereas the UK has reformed its Silk system to mirror fashionable authorized apply, Nigeria has allowed ours to stagnate, inflate, and exclude. It is time to reform.
The Original Purpose has Been Lost
When the SAN rank was launched in 1975, the thought was easy: to determine and honour advocates of distinctive means and excellence in advocacy.
Today, the utility of the Legal Practitioners Act and the LPPC Guidelines have turn out to be closely litigation-centric and, more and more, a numbers recreation. Applicants should present dozens of contested circumstances from the High Court to the Supreme Court, with a few reported judgements.
On paper, that’s rigorous. In apply, it rewards quantity over significance, submitting over jurisprudence.
This raises an uncomfortable however mandatory query: For the 57 attorneys elevated in July 2025 and the 68 elevated this 12 months, what circumstances of authorized significance did they argue that developed Nigerian legislation? What precept did they set up at the Supreme Court? What space of legislation did they form?
The public doesn’t know, as a result of the LPPC doesn’t inform us. Unlike the UK, the place KC appointments are accompanied by citations of notable circumstances and judicial suggestions, our system publishes solely names. We are advised they certified, however we aren’t proven how.
When excellence is just not seen and verifiable, seniority, longevity and entry, inevitably start to interchange brilliance as the metric.
The Excluded Majority: Where Is the Solicitor?
The second and extra severe flaw, is who the system excludes.
Modern authorized apply in Nigeria, is now not simply advocacy in open court docket. It is company finance, vitality transactions, know-how legislation, arbitration, authorized assist, public curiosity litigation, legislation reform, and establishment constructing.
Some of the most consequential Lawyers in this nation, have by no means constructed their careers round contested litigation. They are:
• The Solicitors who structured the transactions that energy our economic system and created jobs for a whole bunch of different Lawyers;
• The Academics whose works are cited by the Supreme Court;
• The Public Interest Lawyers who’ve spent many years both defending the indigent and increasing the frontiers of human rights and writing/highlighting topical points of curiosity.
• The Law Officers and Attorney-Generals whose recommendation formed coverage and laws.
For these Lawyers, there is no such thing as a credible path to our career’s highest honour. Our message to them is obvious: irrespective of how a lot you contribute to legislation and society, you’ll by no means be a SAN. Surely that can’t be proper.
The Shrinking Academic Silk
Perhaps, the clearest signal of how the courtroom Bar has closed ranks, is what has occurred to the educational route. There was a interval when the LPPC would confer the educational SAN on as many as 8 to 10 Professors/Academics in a 12 months — Scholars whose books and articles have been really cited in court docket. After sustained complaints from main courtroom Silks that Academics have been “largely unknown” and that their works have been “neither well-known nor major sources of reference”, the LPPC quietly restricted the Academic class to only one slot per 12 months.
Last Legal Year is illustrative: out of 68 new SANs sworn in by Chief Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun, 67 have been advocates and just one — Professor Nnamdi Onyeka Obiaraeri — made it on the educational monitor. The message is unmistakable: The Courtroom Silk complained that Academic Silks have been competing with them for status, and the system responded by just about shutting the educational door.
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Lessons From the UK
The United Kingdom confronted this identical disaster, and acted. In 2007, it launched Honorary King’s Counsel — a distinct honour for many who have made an distinctive contribution to the legislation exterior of courtroom advocacy. Academics, Solicitors, legislation reformers, and professional bono champions, are actually recognised with out diluting the customary for litigation Silks.
The result’s that, the KC system is each extra prestigious and extra inclusive. It displays what the authorized career really is.
Nigeria shouldn’t be afraid to do the identical.
Three-Point Reform Agenda
To restore credibility and equity to the rank the following is proposed:
1. Create Two Tracks: Litigation SAN and Honorary SAN
Retain SAN for confirmed, distinctive courtroom advocacy. Introduce Honorary SAN for Solicitors, Academics, Reformers and Public Service Lawyers. The Honorary rank ought to carry the identical honour and post-nominal recognition.
2. Publish Citations and Make Excellence Accountable
For each new conferment, the LPPC ought to publish a transient quotation — three main circumstances argued, or three main contributions made. Let the Bar and the public see why this particular person is worthy. Let younger Lawyers be taught from it. Prestige have to be accountable, whether it is to be revered.
3. Cap Numbers and Elevate Standards
When we appoint 125 new SANs in simply over a 12 months, we devalue the Silk. Scarcity creates worth. Nigeria should make the rank rarer, extra rigorous, and extra significant. Quality should overcome.
Conclusion
The legislation is a career of advocates and solicitors, litigators and advisers, courtroom orators and quiet draftsmen. Our highest honour ought to mirror that entire career, not only one half of it.
As it stands, the SAN rank tells a majority of our greatest Lawyers, that they may by no means be seen at the prime. It tells younger Lawyers that, just one kind of apply issues.
That is unhealthy for morale, unhealthy for mentorship, and in the end, unhealthy for justice.
Reforming the Silk is just not about pulling anybody down. It is about lifting the customary up, and lifting the career with it. This in the end, shall be for the higher good of us all.
